Henry Davis was born in 1887 in Huntington and grew up in the area, graduating from Huntington High School in 1904 and attending both Marshall University (then College) and West Virginia University. He became an electrical engineer with Westinghouse in Pittsburgh and then, in 1913, moved back to Huntington to become a Power Engineer with the Ohio Valley Electric Railway System, otherwise known as the Huntington-Ashland trollies. He had 1 sister and 1 brother, was known as “Billy” to his friends and attended Johnson Memorial United Methodist Church.
He enlisted in the West Virginia National Guard as part of the Huntington Machine Gun Company, 2nd West Virginia Infantry and served at Camp Kanawha, but was released from the military before his unit shipped out to the Mexican Border in 1916. He enlisted again for the first Officers’ Training School (at Fort Benjamin Harrison) on May 12, 1917. Upon being commissioned as a 2nd Lieutenant, he was chosen for immediate overseas service, and, along with fellow Cabell casualty Walter V. Dial, left Huntington for Hoboken, NJ on August 25, 1917, sailing from New York on September 12 and arriving in France before the end of the month. Upon landing, he was assigned to a Machine Gun Training School for 6 weeks of instruction then reported in November 1917 to the Headquarters Company, 165th Infantry Regiment (previously part of the New York National Guard), which was a part of the 42nd Infantry Division. In February 1918 he was transferred to the 165th’s Machine Gun Company and it was in this company that he eventually died. This unit was assigned 16 of the M1914 Hotchkiss Machine Gun, each of which weighed over 50 pounds without ammunition.
This unit fought with distinction in the Luneville and Baccarat defensive sectors from early February to early June. In early July, it moved up to the St. Hilaire-le-Grand defensive sector. The Germans were preparing a huge attack, today known as the 5th Ludendorff Offensive, which was to smash through the Allied lines. Knowing this, the French and other Allies moved their troops back several miles from their original front line, stationing only sentries to report the attack. They stationed their main body behind and through St. Hilaire-le-Grand, with “sacrifice posts” several thousand yards in front to slowdown the enemy attack. The Machine Gun company was attached to one of these sacrifice posts. Just after midnight on July 15th, the German artillery barrage began. It was described as a sudden crash that continued for hours, as it didn’t end until 4:30 AM. As soon as the explosions stopped, the men rushed out of their shelters and into the trenches, as hordes of Germans began swarming over the field. They sprayed the Allied trenches with machine guns and grenades, but they fought back fiercely, often in hand-to-hand combat. The sacrifice posts, instead of simply slowing down the Germans, beat off 5 attacks before 2 PM though surrounded every time. This was even under German air attacks and with often-jammed machine guns. Artillery fire resumed as soon as the Germans pulled back, and continued until the next day, when they attempted to take the positions again. This time, they made it into the trenches, but were forced out with many casualties. The Germans lost air command on the 17th, and, on the 18th, they 165th was relieved and retreated back to a forest in the rear. For his actions on the 15th, the first day of the attack, Davis was awarded the Citation Star, then the nation’s fourth highest award for valor. He had “distinguished himself by gallantry in action…and by his brilliant leadership.” He also earned the French Croix de Guerre, but I am unsure which specific action he was in that it was presented for.
Published in the newspaper after his death is one of his letters detailing his actions in the latter part of July 1918, and it is very interesting reading for anyone who studies World War I or just wants to know what any of the soldiers’ experiences might have been like. I have included here a version edited for clarity, but you can find the original on his Newspaper Articles page.
“August 7, 1918.
“Dear Mother: I wrote you a few lines day before yesterday to let you know that I was all O.K. and today I will try to give you a history of events of the last few weeks. Briefly, we have at last been in the biggest part of the front, pushing back the Hun, and while it was not pleasant work, it was what we have been training for all this past year, and it was some job. Don’t let anyone tell you that they are small, undeveloped, ill-fed or badly clothed men. We went up and the First and Fourth Prussian Guard divisions, and they are some fighters – while the fighting is good.
“To start at the beginning, on July 26 (I wrote you a long letter the day before), we got in trucks [at Champigny-sur-Marne] and rode from noon until 6 o’clock out to a point [Epieds] where the marines had stopped the Boche and where another division had started them back. We walked then for about five miles, seeing lots of dead men and horses and all the German ammunition you could think of – not a very pleasant sight to smell, but the fighting was only a few miles away and as yet they had not had time to do more than fix up the wounded. We camped [that; originally all] night around a chateau [Chateau Moucheton] which had been headquarters for the German army, and [later that; originally the next] night started for the real front. We had but one meal that day and only breakfast the day before, the kitchens could not keep pace with trucks, but everything would have been O.K. if it had not been raining all the time and we had no tents. Rain does more to lower the morale of the men than any other thing.
“We left the chateau on the night of the 26th (the officers went up during the afternoon and three of the 12 were wounded in making a reconnaissance) to relieve the French. The Huns had made a stand in front of them and they were too worn out to go farther. As usual, all the information we had was ‘grenade ici [la Boche] au revoir,’ which really means ‘here are the grenades, there are the Germans, good-bye.’ To get to the French positions was one more job. We started out in the rain about 11 o’clock at night over a muddy road more than covered with artillery advancing and ambulances coming back with the wounded. There were many Americans on both sides of the French we were to relieve, and the sight of so many wounded did not go far in cheering up the boys.
“We finally arrived through a shell-torn forest and it was still being shelled at our position, having had to carry all of our machine gun equipment for nearly two miles, it was a welcome relief to be able to rest. The Huns were in a small town [Beuvardes] about 300 yards [east] from the edge of the woods and sweeping our place with guns about once an hour. We arrived at this spot about 6 o’clock on the morning of July 27, and so far had lost no men. We had no trenches, as the ground had only been gained a day or so before.
“At 4 o’clock that evening we got orders to advance, and as luck would have it, it started raining as soon as we got lined up in the woods. We had nothing to eat that day, so you can imagine how we felt. They did let the men leave their packs behind and that helped a lot, left a man to guard them, and I also left my bag with all my shaving and toilet articles in it, as I supposed we would have them in two days. Well, we started out, the artillery cleaned out the town in front of us and then we got into the woods again [the Foret de Fere]. We went about five kilometers, two miles, [through the Foret de Fere and out its edge] before we ran into any resistance whatever, thanks to the men on our right, who had pushed forward that morning, and then we had it hot and heavy, artillery and machine gun fire galore. However, we were in reserve that day and did not see any real action, just shells and then more shells, without us firing a shot.
“You may have read of one town [Sergy] changing hands nine times within two days. Well, that is [just across the river from] where we first took to fighting the Boche, and at that it was not our town to take. We went too far to the right and got into Alabama’s way (and they are some fighters). We just about had the town when Alabama came up and took over the fight. Then we went back a few hundred yards and dug into shell holes for the night [on a reverse slope of a hill]. The next morning [July 28th] we went at it again, and with fairly heavy losses we got across a small river [the Ourcq River; this was around 9:30 AM]. One platoon of my company gets most of the credit for raking the Huns out of their positions in front of our regiment, and we captured 12 Boche machine guns. All this was on the day of the 28th. On the 29th every one commenced to wonder when we were going to be relieved, and when orders came to advance that very day everyone was worn out. We had had nothing to eat except what we had saved from two days’ rations that are carried on the men, but it had not rained since the night we started the advance and that helped a little.
“That was sure one morning, our infantry walked up a hill in wonderful style in a perfect hail of machine gun bullets and ‘beaucoup’ artillery, but was compelled to drop back to our starting point until the machine guns could be wiped out. There’s where I got my first licks. For an hour I had six guns raking the top of that hill, a wheat field, and then the infantry came up and stayed there. Orders then came to go over to our left and clear out a woods. We did that – knocked three guns and their crews out of the trees (some of the regiments have run into men and their guns chained in trees), but the Prussians fight without that and don’t you forget they are good fighters.
“After the infantry got started [around 8 AM] on the left we followed them into a small woods [the Bois Colas] on a slight hill and over a creek, or, rather, I believe the creek came first [this is right], and I lost six men in the creek and five getting them out. The six from one German shell and the five from machine guns we had failed to locate. By this time we were getting away ahead of the rest of the rest of our division, and by the time we got to the far edge of the small hill (it was covered with woods), we were ordered to stop. We had lost on our battalion three captains, eight lieutenants and every company but ours, the machine gun, had been reduced to about one-quarter strength. The big majority of our losses were caused from machine gun bullets, but quite a few were from other causes. To go on with the fight, we were at that time (evening of the 29th) about half a kilometer ahead of the rest of the division and we had orders to hold until they caught up with us (which they never did), to hold the woods (which was about 200 yards long and 300 yards wide, running from northeast to southwest with a farm house, [Meurcy Farm] held by the Germans about 200 yards to the east). Will draw you a little sketch, so that you may see how I was placed. My position was in the northeast edge of the woods, with my guns placed, no infantry, and the Boche all around us with about 400 yards to the next Americans. [They could see German positions on the slopes in front of the Foret de Nesles and the Machine Gun company raked their positions regularly.]
“I had no sleep, nothing to eat and all the water we had to drink had to be brought from the creek under the cover of night, and as yet none of the dead had been buried. But we kept quiet, and I think yet the Huns thought we had gone back on a line with the rest of the division, for the next morning, bright and early, who should come walking out of that farm house, right up to a trench just outside of the woods, but 30 of the biggest Huns you ever saw. My, they were soft – only a couple got back to the house. No one would believe me when I said I thought they were going out to relieve some others in the trenches.
“We were bothered that day, the 30th, with some German machine gun fire and their artillery, but that was getting lighter, as we were close to their batteries and they were beginning to pull them out of danger. That evening the major [Donovan], who was still in command, though wounded (his adjutant [the famous poet Joyce Kilmer] dead) decided to take the farm house. We, the machine gun company, who had been swapping fire all day with the Boche, opened up in earnest and we soon had things quiet enough to send out the patrols towards the house, but hardly had they started when they were fired on from the side by [enemy] men who had been in the trenches. There were 20 of them [Germans] and we kept one live one. The other lieutenant in my company gets credit for them, and he says he started eight back, but somehow only one got in alive. The who were left of the patrol came back and we spent the night with a few infantrymen, about 10, scattered around the edge of the woods to keep out stray Huns.
“The next day [July 31st] was soft for us. By that time we had located all the Boche gun emplacements, had three artillery officers up and told them where to shell, our guns had caught up by this time, and all we had to do was to sit on the guns and pick them off as they tried to run from the artillery barrage. Great sport after having gone through what we had, and it put new life into the men. I might add that in addition to directing the fire I took a gun myself for a while and it was fine sport.
“Tell Mr. Watts that it is better than shooting quail out of trees. I could have had all the souvenirs in the world if I had any place to carry them, but as it is, I am sending you an Iron Cross ribbon I took from one of the Huns. He was alive at the time and was one of the number starting back to the rear. I have a number of cards and other things that do not take up much room. To go on, that night [of July 30th] we were bothered very little with anything but artillery fire, and very little of that. Food began to arrive and the boys were in better shape. Throughout the next day [July 31st] it was pretty much the same, lots of fun for us, but hard on the Boche. That evening we sent out a small patrol and took the farm house with a few prisoners. After that we had a little brisker artillery fire than before aimed at the house, but by that time we had dug into the ground, and it took a direct hit to get any of us.
“We had been very lucky and after we got into the woods on the hills we had only a few casualties. The next day [August 1st] food came in vast quantities, and the Germans were more quiet (or at least we keep them so), and that night we were relieved. About 3 a.m. the fresh division came and at 5 they started. They encountered only one gun out of the 10 or 15 that had started against us.
“Our captain [Seibert], who stayed with the company [3rd Battalion of the 165th Infantry] which relieved us, said as he went forward it was impossible to walk without stepping on the dead Huns that were around their machine gun emplacements. We walked back that night, or rather morning, to a large forest [Foret de Fere] and waited for another division to come up. [The 4th Division came up; originally that was] five days ago, and except for rain, which has poured every day until today, August 8, it has been a very welcome rest.
“Now for a few after-thoughts: our company has been thanked and congratulated by everyone from the major-general down. The battalion commander [Major Donovan] said: ‘You saved us time after time.’ The colonel [McCoy] said, ‘You have the best company in the 165th infantry.’ And the brigadier [General Lenihan] said, ‘You did wonderful work.’ Headquarters sent up word that the German prisoners reported the most severe machine gun fire that they had ever encountered. You may think that I am doing an awful lot of bragging, but when I tell you the colonel said he would have every officer in the regiment promoted and personally congratulated the other platoon officer on our work, you can imagine we have some praise coming to us. Among other things, one of our gun crews [Sergeant Frank Gardella] brought down two Hun planes at the same time. He hit the top one, it buckled up and fell on the tail of the other plane. Both landed about 200 yards from our lines – four dead huns and $30,000 loss. [Gardella was awarded the Distinguished Service Cross for rushing out under heavy fire to do this.]
“Also when I tell you our losses were only about half of those of the other infantry in the same battalion, and that a good part of the time we had to go first to clear the way for them, I think you will admit we deserve some credit. And whether we get our promotion or not we know what the rest of the regiment think of us.
“In regard to our losses, we had one wounded lieutenant, 12 killed, 40 wounded and 12 missing, 6 of whom have shown up.
“We heard today that we were to go back to a rest and training are to reform the division and that we would have our leaves. I have had to pass up two already and we, or at least part of our division, have been in the trenches continuously since the first of March, and we sure have the rest coming to us. We hold the record, I think, for all American divisions.
“I am well supplied with underwear, but as I wrote you in the other letter, when I finally got back to my supplies someone had robbed the pile while the guard went to get something to eat, and as luck would have it, my bag was gone.
“We are told we will get to Paris, but I don’t believe anything anymore. However, if we do, I can probably replace all my losses, if not, will have to borrow, but I can’t do much longer without a tooth brush. Have not had one since the 25th of July.
“Quite a sad incident just occurred, a brother of one of our New York boys just walked in and asked for his brother, said he had walked ten miles and had not seen him since last September. We had to tell him his brother was killed just eight days before. He took it like a man, wanted to know how, where, etc., and where he was buried. Mama, nothing will ever bother me again in that line. I slept one night with two dead men about six feet away. As for the odor, one soon gets used to that. We drank from a creek in which men bayoneted one another and were glad to get it. You won’t like this, I know, but I think I have seen everything the war has to offer.
“We helped to repulse one of the biggest drives the Huns ever started on the morning of the 15th of July, and then hurried up here to help push them back. I think I am going to get home without a single wound stripe, could have had two; nothing serious, however. [He was wounded in the latter part of this combat.] I have had men killed all around me, right along side of me and I know you folks at home will think I am untruthful and am trying to scare you with my tales, but it’s just that I want to show you that every man who goes into this fight is not doomed, and that I firmly believe I will get back to you as well and sound as the day I left.
“By the time you have received this you will have gotten my cable. If I can get the request through I want you to send me a fair-sized diary and a large fountain pen, as I have had to refill this one twice since I started this letter.
“Show this letter to Mr. Power and tell him I have been reading in the paper about his troubles and think I prefer being over here fighting the Huns than having always to explain. Am sending him a paper knife made by a wounded Frenchman from a German “220”. The man who is carrying it is a sergeant from our company, who is going home on Liberty Loan work or to act as an instructor.
“German helmets are common, but too heavy to carry, and there are plenty of German knives, pistols, etc., but no place to put them.
“Will close now, as it is raining again and we are in small tents not entirely water-proof. Lots of love.
‘BILL’.”
They never did get to go to Paris, as they moved back to the rear, trained for several weeks, then moved back up to take part in the St. Mihiel offensive. The were to attack and clear out a German salient, and they began at 5 AM after 4 hours of artillery and moved quickly. They had trouble getting their heavy gear through the barbed wire, but afterwards the infantry advanced quickly, using small group tactics, covered by machine gun fire. They took St. Baussant, crossed the Rupt de Mad river, took Maizerais, Essey, and Pannes, arriving just south of Bois de Thiaucourt at 1:55 PM. The next day, they advanced through the Bois de Thiaucourt and the Bois de Beney, going through Sebastopol Farm and taking St. Benoit. By the ened of the day advance elements were all the way in Hassavant Farm. They were relieved on the next day, taking up a sector to patrol a few days later, then retiring again to the rear. Overall, this had been the most successful attack of the war so far, taking 11 miles of ground. They rode and marched north to the Bois de Montfaucon, staying there for a week before moving up to their pre-attack position on October 11th. This position was north of Exermont and west of Fleville.
At dusk on October 12, 1918, he led his platoon to the front and they got in fortifications. At about 2 AM, a shell struck the edge of his foxhole and injured his forearm and heavily injured his thigh. He was removed to a first aid station, where his wounds were wrapped, and was then carried on a stretcher to an ambulance in which he went to a field hospital in the rear for further treatment. No one thought his wounds were fatal, and he remained conscious the entire time. However, serious symptoms developed on October 13thand he died in the early morning of October 14th, 1918. His family was not notified until many weeks later, in early December. His mother had been in suspense for a long time after last hearing from him on September 15th and collapsed when she heard the news. He was buried in France, but his remains were removed in 1921 and reburied in Spring Hill cemetery, finally returning him to the place of his birth. As both his mother and sister were members of the Buford Chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution, they also planted a tree outside their cabin which still stands in his memory today.
Fr. Francis P. Duffy, Joyce Kilmer, Father Duffy’s Story: A Tale of Humor and Heroism, of Life and Death with the Fighting Sixty-Ninth (: Pickle Partners, 2013), Unit history Ch. II-Ch. IX; List of Decorations; and Officers Who Served In The 165th Infantry.
Maj. David G. Fivecoat, Fine Conduct Under Fire: The Tactical Effectiveness of the 165th Infantry Regiment in the First World War (Fort Leavenworth, Kansas: US Army Command and General Staff College, 2004), http://www.worldwar1.com/dbc/pdf/165thInfAEF.pdf.
Stephen L. Harris, Duffy’s War: Fr. Francis Duffy, Wild Bill Donovan, and the Irish Fighting 69th in World War I (Washington, DC: Potomac Books, Inc., 2006), Ch. 8-Ch. 22.
Richard Demeter, The Fighting 69th: A History (Pasadena, CA: Cranford Press, 2002), Internet Archive. https://archive.org/details/fighting69thhist00deme.
Patricia Daugherty, Buford Chapter, NSDAR, to Benjamin Woodard, Interview over telephone, Cabell County World War I Soldiers Collection; privately held by Benjamin Woodard.
“Hall of Valor”, Military Times, Military Times Hall of Valor (http://valor.militarytimes.com/home.php), “Frank J. Gardella, Distinguished Service Cross” page accessed 2018. https://valor.militarytimes.com/hero/12036.
MilitaryFactory.com, MilitaryFactory (https://www.militaryfactory.com/), Hotchkiss Model 1914; Small Arms; Machine Guns, France, 1914. https://www.militaryfactory.com/smallarms/detail.asp?smallarms_id=358.
Various maps accessed on Google Earth
Cabell County World War I Memorial Boulevard 